Assessing the New Indian Space Policy, 2023
Dear Reader,
Welcome to Takshashila Dispatch. In this edition, we cover our work on assessing the new Indian space policy, hits and misses of the space policy, global climate change relocation insurance, the need for a national security doctrine for India, the need for surge hiring in the Ministry of External Affairs, how tech policy will shape geopolitics, the U.S.-China Chip War, China’s global development, security and civilisation initiatives and more!
Assessing the New Indian Space Policy, 2023
After a long wait, the Union Government finally released the new Indian Space Policy, 2023, last month. The policy spells out the pathway for the development of the Indian space ecosystem, particularly the private sector. Pranav R Satyanath offers some initial thoughts on the new space policy:
The 11-page document details the activities that the commercial space sector can undertake and delineates the roles of three key government agencies: Indian National Space Promotion & Authorisation Centre (IN-SPACe), Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO), and the Department of Space (DOS).
This document does not provide a holistic overview of India’s space policy and its priorities. Rather, its goal is to elucidate the government's policy towards the growing commercial space sector in India and abroad. Indeed, as the ‘Vision’ section of the new space policy suggests, India hopes to augment its space capabilities by tapping into the potential of the private sector which has historically played a minor role in India’s space programme.
Hits & Misses of the New Indian Space Policy
In last Thursday’s episode of All Things Policy, Pranav R Satyanath and Shrikrishna Upadhyaya discussed the aims, objectives, and limitations of the policy, the major hits and misses of the policy, and other anticipated developments like FDI in the space sector:
Global Climate Change Relocation Insurance for G20
Climate change-induced catastrophes in the coming years will result in widespread and large-scale population displacement, including across national borders. Uncontrolled international migration or refugee crises caused by climate change are a matter of humanitarian, economic, and security concern for the global community.
In a Policy Brief authored by Shrikrishna Upadhyaya and Pranay Kotasthane for Think20 (engagement group of G20), we propose that the G20 set the agenda for the protection, rehabilitation, and relocation of climate refugees through the mechanism of a Global Climate Change Relocation Insurance (GCCRI). The GCCRI framework will allow at-risk individuals and families to purchase insurance to protect themselves from loss of land, property, and livelihood due to climate catastrophes.
National Security Doctrine for India
In an opinion for The Quint, Saurabh Todi argues that India must plug the gap of a national security doctrine for strategic planning purposes:
Given India’s security situation, its policies of strategic ambiguity and strategic autonomy, opting for a doctrinal approach would allow policymakers greater manoeuvring space in choosing an appropriate course of action to achieve stated objectives. There are several reasons for India to formulate an NSD.
First, developing such a doctrine requires an analysis of all external and internal threats to national security through a comprehensive evaluation of both the domestic and international environments. This would necessitate cooperation and coordination between various ministries, armed forces, and state governments. This will improve efficiency by cultivating a common understanding and deeper comprehension among different national security actors.
Surge Hiring for the Ministry of External Affairs
On the issue of inadequate State capacity of Indian foreign policy establishment, Pranay Kotasthane argues in the Hindustan Times for introducing surge hiring in the Ministry:
The surge-hiring strategy should try a different approach. It should attempt to hire a much larger number of people below ambassadorial positions. This way, the cadre protection impulse can be side-stepped. Instead of targeting joint-secretary levels, two fellowships could be attempted: One for fresh graduates, and another for young professionals working within and outside the government. Given the growing prominence of technology and economic issues as foreign policy domains, this approach would help build institutional knowledge within the ministry. More importantly, the surge should target staffing for the headquarter functions in Delhi for managing various engagements and new initiatives.
Tech Policy in the Information Age
In the Information Age, the lines between tech policy, geopolitics and international relations are getting increasingly blurred. In his column for the Mint, Nitin Pai writes on what must go into our thinking behind tech policy:
Second, because information is mostly manipulated by technology, the latter has become the source of power. This is why technology permeates every dimension of domestic and international politics. To the extent technology is a form of knowledge, it too is a non-zero sum. But because it requires physical things—like routers, lithium or lasers—to work, and these are zero-sum goods, those who have it can be more powerful than those who don’t. This is why countries are pursuing self-reliance and supply-chain assurance in critical technologies. This is also why the US is raising a technology denial regime aimed at containing China’s advances. Technology policy is hard because of this blend of zero-sumness and non-zerosumness; and self-reliance, nearshoring and technology blockades are both good and bad ideas.
Q&A with Pranay on U.S.-China Chip War
Pranay Kotasthane, chair of the High Tech Geopolitics programme at Takshashila participated in a Q&A with Rest of World and talked about the implications of the U.S.-China Chip War for India.
“In your paper, you make the case that Quad members — Australia, Japan, India, and the U.S. — have expertise in specific domains of chip supply, and they should band together. Why?
That is a good grouping to start off because you have complementary strengths. If you are able to ensure that among these four countries, you have enough redundancy, and ensure collective expertise in every part of the supply chain, you don’t have a risk. If we think that we have to do every part of this on our own, we will end up trying everything and achieving nothing.”
China's ‘Three Instruments’: GDI, GSI & GCI
In an interview with StratNewsGlobal, Manoj Kewalramani, chair of the Indo-Pacific Studies programme at the Takshashila Institution, breaks down Chinese President Xi Jinping’s three initiatives - Global Development Initiative, Global Security Initiative, and Global Civilisation Initiative - and the thought process behind them:
Nitin Pai on the Reader’s Room
Nitin Pai appeared on The Reader's Room podcast to discuss his book 'The Nitopadesha' with host Mohit Satyanand. The conversation ranges from how good citizens should act in a democracy to the 'dharma' of an electrical engineer during an emergency situation - and how it connects to the larger democratic system.
Enrol for Takshashila’s PGP Programme
The Post-Graduate Programme in Public Policy (PGP Programme) is a 48-week multi-disciplinary, specialised programme, designed for students who wish to gain a deeper understanding of the theoretical and empirical approaches to public policy.
The PGP Programme is suitable for working professionals who are in the public policy space or are looking to explore a career in public policy while pursuing current occupations. Prior work experience of 2 years is a desirable criterion for admission. The PGP programme will equip students with the necessary skills of policymaking, analysis, persuasion, and communication in their desired career choice.
The last date for applications is May 28, 2023!
That’s all from us this week. Take care!